Information technology has several important impacts on environmental and health outcomes. See also our analysis of energy in information technology.
The use of electronics for communication has become pervasive worldwide.
Usage time is also high, raising concerns about overuse.
Communication systems, whether cell phones, broadband Internet, or something else, require infrastructure that tends to be more expensive to provide, per user, in rural areas than in urban areas 4. This leads to a "digital divide", a gap in the quality of communications access in urban and rural areas.
The digital divide has a major impact of the ability to work 7 or do schooling 8 remotely, issues that have become particularly important during the COVID-19 pandemic. Limited communications infrastructure, primarily in rural areas, costs the American economy hundreds of billions of dollars per year 9.
The relationship between the availability of telecommunications and the overall amount of travel is well-studied. The weight of evidence is that advancing information technology is leading to an increase in overall travel.
Factor | Effect on Travel | Source |
---|---|---|
Smartphone Usage | Overall trips increased | Hong and Thakuriah 10 |
Overall communications expenditures | Mixed effects, but generally increases travel | Choo et al. 11 |
Overall communications | Decrease work travel in rural areas, increase social travel, increase travel overall | Clark and Unwin 12 |
Overall telecommunications | Incrase travel on net | Saloman 13, 14 |
Overall telecommunications | Increases travel | Mokhtarian 15, 16 |
Overall telecommunications | Increases travel | Mokhtarian 17 |
Mobile device usage | Stimuates travel by allowing productive use of travel time | Lyons and Urry 18 |
The Italian physicist Cesare Marchetti found that people typically spend an hour per day traveling 19. Marchetti presents this as an "anthropological invariant", meaning that it holds across cultures and time periods since the Neolithic. It may be expected, then any reduction in commuting travel that results from remote work will be made up for with some other kind of travel. This effect is known as the rebound effect, and it is analogous to the rebound effect observed with energy efficiency.
Hook et al. 20 performed a systematic literature review on the energy impact of remote work, and of the 39 studies found that meet the study criteria, 26 found a clear savings of energy as a result of remote work. However, this result should be interpreted carefully, as most of the studies did not consider a full, system-wide analysis of energy consumption.
Several studies have found that telecommuting increases non-work travel but decreases overall travel.
Telecommuting: Effect on Travel | Source |
---|---|
Reduces work travel | Helminen and Ristimäki 21 |
Increases non-work travel but reduces overall travel | Kim 22, 23 |
Increases non-work travel, decreases travel overall | Balepur et al 24 |
Reduces overall vehicle miles traveled | Choo et al. 25 |
Reduces overall vehicle miles traveled | Herderson and Mokhtarian 26 |
Zheng et al. 27 estimate that a 10% increase in the rate of remote working in the United States would reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 190 million tons of carbon dioxide, which they find by performing regressions on vehicle-miles traveled and work from home rates across states and over time during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the study overestimates potential savings by conflating all transportation emissions with emissions from commuting by personal car. Furthermore, the regression implicitly attributes the increase in non-commute trips to the rollback of remote work as the COVID-19 pandemic receded, which would cause it to overestimate the impact of remote work.
In the United States, about 29% of air travel 28 and 23% of driving 29 is for work commuting and business purposes, representing the most promising opportunities for substitution with telecommunications.
Virtual travel is not yet a full substitute for physical travel. For example, in-person academic conferences foster collaborations in a way that online conferences are not yet able to do 30. But it is a partial substitute, with, for instance, Internet connectivity fostering academic collaborations 31.
There are several specific rebounds from remote work.
Zhu 32 finds that remote work opportunities cause people to live farther from their workplaces--rather than the two variables being merely correlated. This provides evidence for a fixed travel time budget 33, on which Marchetti's constant 19 is based. Zhu finds that telecommuters had an average of 34% longer work commutes than non-telecommuters in 2001, and by 2009 this ratio had increased to 43%, suggesting that the option for remote work was influencing a decision to move farther from the workplace or to take a job farther from home.
Helminen and Ristimäki 34 find that telework reduces total distanced travelled by 0.7% in Finland, and that remote workers have a 3.7 kilometer longer commute than non-remote workers, suggesting that longer commute distances offset most of the gains from avoiding some commutes with remote work. De Abreu e Silva and Melo 35 find a similar result in the United Kingdom, and in particular that remote work increases overall travel for one-worker households and has a neutral effect on two-worker households. Henderson et al. 36 find that remote workers tend to travel farther distances on days they are not working from home than non-remote workers, as well as lesser distances on days they are working from home, and overall travel distances is roughly the same. De Vos et al. 37 find that teleworkers have a 12% longer commute than non-teleworkers in The Netherlands.
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